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Member of 'F O'Malley escaped from Kilmainham Gaol on the 14th February, A few nights before the escape Jimmy Joseph P. MeGinley of Letterkenny and was being driven by Dr. McGinley himself. Joseph McCrath of Omagh, Co O'Malley and Samuel O'Flaherty.
A halt was made at Bridge End, where Mr. O'Malley gave us O'Malley then led off, and I We had not gone far when Mr. O'Malley fell down a sort of precipice tear the sea. When he We then got onto what I took to be the lawn in front of the house.
O'Malley broke When we discovered that the tow O'Malley and Mr. John O'Flaherty Mr. Samuel O'Flaherty's cousin , and I remember Ernie O'Malley visited our area in as Volunteer organiser. He was not very successful A number, mostly from the South of Ireland, sustained serious injuries. Joseph McGrath, our Camp McGrath stood up On arrival in Reading, Captain Morgan She states that on an occasion early in she remembers her brother, Joseph , telling her The Longford election took place on 9th May and as a result Joseph Parliamentary Party candidate, and that the mistake was discovered by Joseph McGrath.
Cole, Martin Condon, Liam Slattery and myself. This body After his release, police accused him of involvement in a gun attack on a bar in August at the start of a loyalist feud with the Ulster Volunteer Force UVF. He appeared in an episode of Danny Dyer's Deadliest Men. The two visited McCrory's former city of Belfast. In four men were arrested in Glasgow and charged with plotting to kill to McCrory and Johnny Adair.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Ulster loyalist paramilitary. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Conscientious objectors were made to suffer as they posed a national threat. Such assaults embodied the exertion of sovereign power onto the bodies of those deemed too cowardly to fight. Even death was of little consequence. Censorship could be used to hide details from the public; prison doctors could deny responsibility while feeling little remorse over the death of a traitor to the nation.
In England, pacifists were cast as cowards, not heroes. In , a conscientious objector named William Edward Burns passed away in Hull Prison after a bout of force-feeding. At the inquiry, it transpired that William had gone on hunger strike to protest against receiving inadequate medical attention and to obtain a transfer by weakening himself to a nearby nursing home.
Howlett admitted that William had regularly complained to him about his weak legs and general physical debility. Accordingly, the governor had ordered William to re-write his letter to provide a more accurate account about his health. At this point, William bemoaned that he was falling to pieces. As a last resort, William went on hunger strike. During the force-feedings that ensued, William does not appear to have resisted the stomach tube, although he did audaciously question whether Howlett had the permission of the Home Secretary. William was fed two pints of milk and cocoa through a stomach tube.
During his second feeding, he began to spasm, splutter, and regurgitate his food. After the prisoner had settled down, Howlett continued his work. Fearing that William had contracted pneumonia, Howlett removed William to a hospital cell and continued to force-feed him twice a day until he eventually died. The inquiry brought to light the fact that Howlett had never performed force-feeding before.
No blame was attributed to Howlett.
Not even death could bring out remorse or compassion from the military doctors who force-fed. Ironically, in rejecting international violence, William found himself subject to state-supported violence. In the context of war, it seems likely that Howlett used force-feeding primarily to discipline and punish. It also seems probable that Emmanuel Ribeiro and Clarence Henry Norman experienced force-feeding as a coercive accompaniment to a retributive system in which sovereign power was articulated through beatings, restraint, and bodily intrusion.
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In the First World War, force-feeding was used as part of a broader military complex which discouraged political dissent. Hunger strikers encountered inexperienced doctors and belligerent lieutenants who shared an agenda of helping to secure military victory. This over-ruled any moral objections which doctors might have otherwise had towards feeding pacifist prisoners against their will. Staff working within the military machine were undeniably aligned to the state, perhaps more so than prison doctors employed during the suffragette hunger strike campaign.
They used force-feeding to violently punish those who failed to share their views on the need to support the national war effort. During war, governments are able to support methods of dealing with its opponents that would normally clash with accepted ethical behaviour. Employing prison doctors to force-feed is one example of how control is regained over the bodies of those who threaten state objectives. However politicised prisoners rarely forget their institutional experiences. They communicate their prison encounters in a range of narrative forms, most notably autobiography.
Often, they bring to light occurrences that passed unnoticed until censorship is lifted. After the First World War ended, conscientious objectors initiated a robust campaign for prison reform. Leading members of the movement were articulate and determined, and they felt impassioned by their wartime incarceration. It is also likely that the unfamiliarity of conscientious objector prisoners to the normally secretive world of the prison enhanced the sense of revulsion felt towards institutional conditions. In the s, peace advocates were well placed to act as spokesmen for convict prisoners; a group who tended not to possess the means or ability to convey details of English prison conditions to the general public.
The results were published in the comprehensive English Prisons Today in Calls for prison reform were buttressed by emotive texts and pamphlets penned by former conscientious objectors. Since the late nineteenth century, middle-class individuals such as the anonymous author of Five Years Penal Servitude had penned memoirs that called attention to institutional problems that would have otherwise gone unnoticed. In his Prisoners of Hope , published in , Charles S.
Peake claimed that, while imprisoned, prisoners of conscience had fatally contracted pneumonia, been removed to lunatic asylums despite being mentally sound, died from severe malnutrition and, in some instances, committed suicide. The ongoing incarceration of conscientious objectors long after the end of war retained a prominent place in memories of war. In his Drifting Men of , published by Leonard and Virginia Woolf, Fox recollected his experiences as follows: They were lined up and put one by one in a big chair where burly men in white overalls gripped their arms and legs, forcing their heads back.
Each man had a wooden gag jammed roughly in his mouth. Through a hole in this a long rubber tube was worked down his throat.
Melmount Parish, Derry Diocese, Ireland.
Every choking, suffocating breath only drew the tube further down till, with a sickening sensation, it reached the stomach. Milk food was then poured in through a funnel. One man, looking very ill, his face greenish-white, was being pushed round the exercise yard by the two guards. As he fainted and collapsed he was picked up by his head, lifted to his feet and gently urged on. It was all done so deliberately, so quietly and so decorously.
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He was not allowed to rest for a moment. Hunger strikers were immediately moved into the dungeons—dirty, dark, half-underground cells calculated to induce depression and increase mental torture. Forcible-feeding, with its assault on personality—the white-smocked doctor, his uniformed assistants, his paraphernalia of rubber tube, gag and funnel, all mobilised to defeat the will of the prisoner—is a horrible business.
I do not think there are many prisoners who have entered on a hunger strike, who would not prefer to starve to death rather than submit to this mauling, especially as after the first two days the ravenous desire for food vanishes. By staking their lives on the issue, the hunger strikers helped to force an inquiry into the conduct of the prison.
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Although it actively campaigned for prison reform, the pacifist movement was unable to end prison force-feeding. Throughout the Cold War, peace protestors continued to challenge the government by staging hunger strikes. He found himself imprisoned at the Colchester Military Corrective Training Establishment where he also went on hunger strike. Many Cold War peace protestors were force-fed. Their relatively high public profile ensured that their protests attracted media interest. Pacifists still formed part of a broader supportive community who could draw attention to matters such as unfavourable prison treatment.
Perhaps, the most prominent anti-nuclear war protestor to go on hunger strike was Pat Arrowsmith. Pat was an educated middle-class peace campaigner who ultimately served eleven prison sentences for her political activities and even took the British government to court for alleged breaches of human rights. In , Pat refused food in Gateside Prison, Greenock, to protest against being made to sew canvas bags intended for use as sandbags. Prison doctors force-fed Pat four times.